Anna Vishivanuk

Ukrainization within the Orthodox Church in the Interwar Poland

Anna Vishivanuk - Junior Research Fellow at the Department of Contemporary History of the Russian Orthodox Church, St. Tikhon's Orthodox University of the Humanities (Moscow, Russia). avishivanuk@gmail.com

In 1920 - 1930S the West Ukrainian areas, Galicia and Volhynia, incorporated into the independent Poland (the Second Rzeczpospolita) according to the 1921 Riga peace treaty, became the centre of the Ukrainian national movement. However the political activity of the Ukrainian nationalists was strongly limited by the Polish government. One of the few organizations of the Ukrainian people, capable to maintain social activity, was the Church. In Galicia the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church traditionally supported the Ukrainian national movement. By contrast, in Volhynia, where the Ukrainians belonged to the Orthodox Church in Poland, the population was generally apolitical and showed no interest in the Ukrainian nationalism. This paper explores the dynamic of growing Ukrainization efforts within the Church, starting with individual initiatives of using the Ukrainian language in worship and ending up with appearance of bishops who promoted the idea of Ukraine's political and ecclesiastical independence.

Keywords: Orthodox Church in Poland, Ukrainization, autocephaly Ukrainian national minority, Ukrainian national movement, Polish assimilation, Catholicization.

The research was carried out with the financial support of the Russian Foundation for Natural Sciences under the grant "Christian Churches of Eastern Europe during the Cold War: public legal status and international activism". 14 - 01 - 00 488a.

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In 1918, as a result of the post-war reconstruction of Europe, the Polish state was revived. At the insistence of Polish politicians, in order to counter the German threat, Eastern Galicia was annexed to Poland in December 1919, which, as it was believed, could pose a danger to Europe due to a sufficiently developed Ukrainian nationalism with a Germanophile accent. 1 The eastern Polish border was the line of the former Russian-Austrian border along the Bug River. In March 1921, after the Polish-Soviet War, under the Riga Peace Treaty, most of the Volhynia province and Polesie were also annexed to the Polish state. Thus, in the eastern regions of Poland (Galicia, Volhynia, Polesie, and Kholm region2), a large number of Ukrainians lived, reaching an average of 70% of the population.3 By religion, the local population in Galicia was mainly Uniate, in Volhynia, Polesie and Kholm region-mainly Orthodox. In general, the Orthodox Church in Poland numbered from 3.8 to 5 million people and consisted of 65% of Ukrainians; the rest were Belarusians, Russians, and a small number of Poles and Lithuanians.4 The densest network of parishes of the Orthodox Church in Poland existed on the north-eastern border of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.5
The Constitution of the Polish State of 1921 guaranteed equal civil rights and freedom to national minorities

1. Сивіцький М. Історія полько-українських конфліктів: В з т. Київ: Видавництво ім. О. Теліги, 2005. Т. 1 С. 49_50.

2. Kholmschyna is an ethnically Ukrainian region that has been under Polish rule since the end of the XIV century (during the partitions of Poland, Kholmschyna was part of the Kingdom of Poland of the Russian Empire, after the First World War in 1919, this region was again included in the Polish state).

3. Medrzecki, W. (1988) Wojewodztwo wolynskie 1921 - 1939. Elementy przemian cywilizacyjnych, spolecznych і politycznych, p. 86. Wroslaw etc.: Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich Press.

4. Population of Poland by religion in 1931 / / Minenko T., prot. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945): В з т. Vinnipeg-Lviv: Lviv Museum of Historical Religion "Logos", 2000. Vol. 1. p. 51; Shkarovsky M. V. Politika Tretii Rekha po otnoshenii k Russkoy Pravoslavnoi Tserkvi v svete archivnykh materialov 1935_ 1945 gg.: [Collection of documents]. Moscow: Krutitskoe Patriarshoe Podvorye, 2003. p. 11; Nikolaev. Legal status of the Holy Autocephalous Orthodox Church in Poland. Warsaw: Synodal Printing House, 1927, p. 5.

5. In the early 1920s. The Polish Orthodox Church was under the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church, and since 1924 received autocephalous status on the basis of the Tomos of the Patriarch of Constantinople.

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freedom of religion and use of the native language in public life, the possibility of discussing the issue of independence of their territories, as well as the creation of territorial self-government 6. However, the status of the Ukrainian and Belarusian populations in Poland as national minorities was not fully defined, as the Polish authorities were of the opinion that the Ukrainians and Belarusians were in fact Poles who had been russified by the Russian tsarist regime. In this regard, the latter were subject to polonization, and over the next twenty years, the Polish authorities conducted a corresponding policy with more or less intensity regarding this group of the population.

Nevertheless, these Ukrainian regions, which became part of the Polish state, became the center of development of Ukrainian national life in the 1920s and 1930s. In the early 1920s, many of those who participated in the creation of the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainian ecclesiastical autocephaly in 1917-1919 moved from Kiev and other Ukrainian cities occupied by the Bolsheviks to Galicia and Volhynia. While in Galicia the Ukrainian national movement had a rich prehistory and was now enriched by new figures from central Ukraine, for Volhynia this phenomenon was almost unknown. In the post-war years, through the efforts of a number of activists, the Ukrainian national movement began to actively develop here, which was concentrated in several centers: Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk, Kremenets.

At first, Ukrainian activists encountered a weak perception of national ideas by the Volyn population, which they attributed to a specific social structure: 90% of the Ukrainian population of Volyn lived in rural areas, and only 1% of Ukrainians belonged to the intelligentsia,which was the reason for political inertia. 7 Therefore, Ukrainian nationalists put the education of national identity and the politicization of the Ukrainian population of Volhynia at the forefront. For this purpose, Ukrainian newspapers were created ("On Varti", "Ukrainka Niva" and others), Ukrainian fraternities were organized (branches were opened quite quickly in Volyn cities-

6. Сивіцький М. Історія полько-українських конфліктів. С. 65.

7. Смирнов А. Мстислав (Скрипник): громадсько-політичний і церковній діяч 1930 - 1944- Київ, 2009. From 54.

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Halych public organization "Prosvita") and Ukrainian schools 8.

In the religious sphere, the Ukrainian intelligentsia promoted the idea of Ukrainization of church life. Back in January 1918, the Brotherhood of the Holy Saviour was organized in Zhytomyr, which one of its goals was to introduce the Ukrainian language into worship, but in the conditions of war, the brotherhood's activities did not develop, and it was closed. Its former members continued their work in the Vladimir-Volyn spiritual administration (A. Richinsky, I. Ogienko, A. Lototsky - the latter two soon moved to Warsaw)9.In addition to these individuals, M. Telezhinsky and I. Vlasovsky also took an active part in the Ukrainization of church life. All of them were teachers (A. Richinsky, in addition, worked as a doctor), engaged in research on the history of Ukraine and its culture, developed social activities of a Ukrainizing nature. Being more public figures than political figures, 10 they were interested in the ecclesiastical question because they came from priestly families and received a theological education. 11 At the same time, it is difficult to separate the cultural and educational line pursued by them from the political one, since Ukrainization was aimed not only at cultural education, but also at spreading the Ukrainian national idea in the Orthodox environment, but also had an openly anti-Russian orientation. This was confirmed by the name of the Ukrainization campaign, which, as a rule, was not used in official documents, but often sounded in propaganda speeches and in internal use: "rozmoskovlenya tserkva" 12.

8. Kralyuk P. The aristocrat of the spirit. Арсен Річинський як мислитель і громадський діяч 10.01.2008 г. [http://www.simya.com.ua/articles/45/8lo6, доступ от 12.03.2014].

9. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945): В 3 т. Вінніпег-Львів: Львівский музей історії релігії "Логос", 2000. Т. 1. С. 63.

10. Only I. Ohienko and A. Lototsky in 1917-1920 held certain positions in various Ukrainian governments, which, as a rule, were connected either with the religious or educational sphere.

11. Apart from I. Ogienko, all the above-mentioned persons came from families of clergymen and clerics and had received a religious education.

12. Біднов В. Справа розмосковлення богослужения // Релігійно-науковий вістник. 1921. N 1. С. 8; Боргцевич В. Т. Українська православна церква на Волині у 20 - 40-х pp. XX art. Author's abstract of the dissertation of the Candidate of Historical Sciences Lutsk, 2000. p. 10.

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This term denoted the deliverance of the church from everything that had a Moscow (Russian) origin.

After the establishment of Polish power, one of the first actions of the above-mentioned persons was the holding of a Congress of clergy and Laity of Volhynia in October 1921 in Pochaev. The congress adopted a number of resolutions that gradually introduced the Ukrainian language into school teaching of the Law of God and church records management. In the service, it was recommended to use the Ukrainian pronunciation. They also spoke about the need to translate the Holy Scriptures into Ukrainian. The publication of the Volhynia Diocesan journal in Ukrainian was also blessed (it was published on January 1, 1922 in Kremenets under the title "Orthodox Volhynia"). Representatives of the Vladimir-Volyn Administration played a decisive role in implementing these resolutions. 13 On December 14, 1922, the Holy Synod of the Polish Orthodox Church approved the resolutions of the Pochaev Congress. 14 Two years later, the Synod adopted another decision on the right of believers to choose the language of worship, preaching,and religious education. 15 Language issues were central to this period. It should be noted, however,that in practice these solutions were rarely applied. 16
The course of the process of Church Ukrainization was largely determined by the attitude of the Orthodox hierarchy, the parish clergy, and the faithful themselves. The position of the Polish Orthodox hierarchy in this case was controversial during the entire period of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and depended on opposition from the influential pro-Russian public in Warsaw (which will be discussed below), on the growing influence of the party of Ukrainian intellectuals, as well as on the position of the Polish authorities, which changed from time to time.

In particular, the first Synod resolution of 1921 on the partial use of the Ukrainian language in church life was adopted under Metropolitan George (Yaroshevsky) of Warsaw.

13. Власовській І. Нарис історії Української Православної Церкви: В 4 т. Київ, 1995. Т. 4. С 32; Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 53 - 54.

14. Tsypin V., prot. History of the Russian Church (1917_1997). Moscow, 1997. Vol. 9. P. 230.

15. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 60.

16. Ibid., p. 60

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During his time, the first Ukrainian bishop in the Polish Orthodox Church, Alexy (Gromadsky), was ordained in 1922, which allows Ukrainian historians to see Metropolitan George as a supporter of Ukrainization. At the same time, they find confirmation of their assumption that the Muscovite intelligentsia treated the latter extremely negatively, which even explained the reason for the murder of Metropolitan George, committed by Archimandrite Smaragd (Lyatyshenko), a fierce opponent of all Ukrainism17.

Ukrainian historians positively assess the role of the next head of the Polish Orthodox Church, Metropolitan Dionysius (Waledinski), in the process of Ukrainization18. However, this assessment is not consistent with the claims that Ukrainian nationalists made against him in the 1930s, suggesting that he, as a "Muscovite", should get out of Volhynia. 19 In addition, if you look closely at the position of the Russian intelligentsia, it becomes obvious that the negative attitude of Muscovite circles towards both Warsaw metropolitans was primarily due to their obsequious position towards the Polish authorities, who, as is well known, purposefully sought to remove the Orthodox Church in Poland from Moscow's influence, using, among other things, the following methods: including separatist sentiments of Ukrainophile church circles 20.

The pro-Russian public reacted sharply and negatively to the Ukrainization movement. The decision of the Pochaev Congress of 1921 to introduce the Ukrainian language into church use was perceived by the Russian intelligentsia "as the beginning of all the troubles in the Church"21. A. Svitich, one of the representatives of the Russian parochial intelligentsia of Warsaw at that time, wrote on this occasion: "At this Congress, the first foundations were laid

17. Рожко В. Новітні мученики Святого Українського православ'я на історичній Волині (XX ст.). Луцьк, 2010. С. 67 - 69. Власовській І. Нарис історії Української Православної Церкви. Т. 4. С. 19 - 21.

18. Рожко В. Новітні мученики Святого Українського православ'я на історичній Волині (XX ст.). С. 70 - 72.

19. During a rally at the Pochaev Lavra in 1933, the crowd chanted Mitr. Дионисию: "Геть в Москву!"- Огієнко І. Моє життя // Наша культура. 1935. N 7. P. 19.

20. Svitich A. The Orthodox Church in Poland and its autocephaly // Orthodox Church in Ukraine and Poland in the XX century (1917-1950). Moscow: Krutitskoe Patriarchal Metochion, 1997.p. 34.

21. Ibid.

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after the division of the Church, namely, it was considered timely to Ukrainize the Church by replacing the Church Slavonic liturgical language, which had a thousand-year tradition, with a colloquial language-Ukrainian. " 22 It is interesting that the Russian public perceived this Ukrainization action as the beginning of division, as a desire for ecclesiastical autocephaly. The primary task of the Moskvofil "party" was to preserve the unity between the Orthodox Church in Poland and the Russian Orthodox Church. Looking ahead a bit, it should be noted that in Poland, in the Russian environment, the Polish hierarchy's obtaining the status of autocephaly from the Patriarch of Constantinople (without the consent of the Moscow Patriarchate) in 1924 was considered an artificial step aimed at separation from the Russian Church. At the same time, Muscovites considered both the Polish government and Ukrainian nationalists as a threat to the unity of the Orthodox Church. According to A. Svitich, the Polish Orthodox Church "has become an object for all sorts of experiments not only by the government authorities, but even by individual national minorities. In this respect, the main role belonged to the Ukrainians, mainly living in Volhynia, who tried to make the Church an instrument of national and political struggle. " 23 During the entire period of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, pro-Russian circles opposed the introduction of the Ukrainian language into church life, which was perceived as a manifestation of separatism. Among the relevant organizations of Russian emigrants were both church-public ("Orthodox Church Council" in Warsaw, headed by N. Serebrennikov) and political ("Society of Russian Emigrants in Poland", "Russian Committee in Warsaw", SR group formed around the newspaper "For Freedom", " Russian People's Association"). The latter, as a rule, in this ideological confrontation were guided rather by political considerations, identifying the unity of the church, in all its manifestations, with the unity of the people: the united Orthodox Church was for them the guarantor of the integrity of the "triune Russian people". Nevertheless, it is obvious that representatives of the pro-Russian

22. Ibid.

23. Ibid., p. 35.

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the actions of the local church community were not without political ambitions 24.

It should be noted that many of the Orthodox bishops in Poland in the first half of the 1920s openly disapproved of the Ukrainization of the church. Among them: Archbishop of Lithuania and Vilna Eleutheriy (Bogoyavlensky), Bishop of Pinsk and Novogrudok Panteleimon (Rozhnovsky), Bishop of Grodno Vladimir (Tikhonitsky) and Bishop Sergiy (Korolev). However, the latter, due to criticism of the pro-government course of the higher Orthodox hierarchy, were soon removed by the Polish authorities from the administration of their dioceses.25
As for the ordinary priests of Volhynia, the majority, being from the people, although they spoke the Ukrainian language and lived in accordance with local Ukrainian spiritual and everyday traditions, were politically indifferent and far from the Ukrainian national idea. This is confirmed by the memoirs of the professor of the Volyn Theological Seminary, Archpriest Filimon Kulchinsky: "The Volyn clergy were Ukrainian by nature. It was a spontaneous Ukrainism, our fathers did not show a deeper national consciousness, the Ukrainism of them and us, their children, was manifested in the fact that we spoke the Ukrainian language, our native ones. The whole life of priestly families, family and household [family and household traditions in priestly families. - A.V.], like that of the Volyn peasantry, were exclusively Ukrainian. Russification influence did not reach here. Ukrainian traditions - church and folk-are well preserved"26. It is obvious that this particular group of Ukrainian clergy was described by Poles in their reports as apolitical, understanding autocephaly and loyal to the authorities.27
There were also convinced Muscovites among the clergy, monarchists in their political views, who were also hostile to the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church in Poland (which is why

24. Evlogy (Georgievsky), mitr. The path of my life, Moscow, 1994, p. 239.

25. Bishop Panteleimon (Rozhnovsky) was sent to rest in the Meletsky Monastery; Ep. Vladimir (Tikhonitsky) and ep. Sergius (Korolev) was exiled to Czechoslovakia by order of the authorities, and the Archdiocese of St. Nicholas was exiled to Czechoslovakia. Eleutherius (Bogoyavlensky) - to Lithuania.

26. F. Kilchinsky Дещо з життя Волинського духовенства в першій чверті XX століття. Спогади // Український православний календар на 1965 рік. Bavnd Brook, 1964. pp. 111-117 (translated from Ukrainian by A. Vishivanyuk).

27. State Archive of the Rivne region (GARO). F. 33. Op. 4. d. 1, l. 199.

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wanted the authorities), and to the Ukrainization movement. In Volhynia, the most active representative of this wing was Archimandrite Damaskin (Rudyk) of the Pochaev Lavra28.

There was also a third category of clerics who shared the ideas of Ukrainization, actively participated in it themselves and came into contact with Ukrainian political circles. The place of Ukrainian agitation among the clergy since the mid-1920s was the monastery in Zagaytsy, which was headed by Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorsky). His activities extended far beyond the walls of the monastery.29
A new round of development of the Ukrainization movement in the Orthodox Church in Volhynia took place after the Polish Orthodox Church received the status of autocephaly granted by the Tomos of Patriarch Gregory VI of Constantinople in 1924. This autocephaly was perceived by Ukrainian political forces and some representatives of the Orthodox hierarchy as a step towards the formation of an independent Ukrainian church. In particular, Metropolitan Alexy (Gromadsky), who was a member of the Polish delegation to Constantinople, wrote about this later, in 1942. Also, even during the German occupation of Poland, Ukrainian nationalists perceived Polish autocephaly (although its status since the end of 1939 was different from that obtained in 1924) as Ukrainian autocephaly. Thus, in October 1940, one of the representatives of the Bandera movement thanked the head of the German service "Vostok ""for the help that he provided to the Ukrainian Church in the General Government in establishing its autocephaly" 31. Such views were partly connected with the justifications for Polish autocephaly contained in the patriarchal tomos, which referred to the continuity of the Warsaw Metropolia with ancient Greece.

28. GARO. F. 33, Op. 4, d. 1, L. 107.

29. Ibid.

30. Excerpt from a 1942 letter by mitr. Alexy (Gromadsky) to her. Polykarp (Sikorsky): "It is necessary to take care of such ways that would allow our people to have legitimate and canonical autocephaly... If there were autocephaly of Warsaw, I would also, as before, defend its independence from Moscow, because I have not changed, the circumstances have changed, which for the good of our Church (the text refers to the Ukrainian Church - A.V.) require other ways." GA RO. f. R-281, Op. 1, d. 17, L. 44. Open letter of mitr. Alexey (Gromadsky) to the ep. Polykarp (Sikorsky), 1942 (translated from Ukrainian by A.V.).

31.Cit. by: Shkarovsky M. V. Nazistskaya Germania i Pravoslavnaya Tserkva [Nazi Germany and the Orthodox Church], Moscow, 2002, p. 139.

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Kiev Metropolitanate (the latter was annexed to the Moscow Patriarchate in the 17th century, allegedly in violation of the canons)32. The fact that the absolute majority of believers in the Polish Orthodox Church were Ukrainians also played an important role. Of the 1,300 parishes, 760 were located in the Volyn diocese and another 298 in the Polesie diocese (it covered both parts of the Belarusian and part of the Ukrainian regions).33.

After the proclamation of autocephaly of the Orthodox Church in Poland, in the second half of 1924, Ukrainian political parties actively joined the Ukrainization movement. The demands of politicians to the church authorities were constantly expanding, and the speeches took on the character of political actions. One of the first socio-political associations that took up the Ukrainian issue in relation to the Polish Orthodox Church was the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR) and Prosvita (their centers were located in Galicia).

In order to attract the interest of the general Ukrainian public to the problems of church Ukrainization, these associations held congresses of Ukrainian near-church intelligentsia. One of the first events of this kind was the congress in Rovno in September 1926, which was attended by representatives of Ukrainian cultural and educational organizations in Volhynia, Polesie, Kholm region and Galicia. At the suggestion of Arseny Richinsky, the congress decided to create church committees in Povety (a medium-sized administrative-territorial unit in Poland that unites gminas) as church sections under the Prosvita branches. These committees were supposed to lead the process of Ukrainization of the church in the municipalities, as well as to cooperate with each other in order to create the Volyn Ecclesiastical Ukrainian Rada. The latter, in turn, was to take over the protection of the interests of the "national church" as one of the main educational and enlightening forces of the Ukrainian people.34
A year later, on June 5-6, 1927, in Lutsk, on the initiative and with the direct assistance of the UPR, but without the blessing of the higher Church-

32. Svitich A. The Orthodox Church in Poland and its autocephaly. pp. 122-123.

33. Central State Historical Archive of Lviv (TSGIAL). f. 408, Op. 3, D-777, l. 67 vol. His Eminence George, Metropolitan of Warsaw and All the Orthodox Churches in Poland / / Vilna Diocesan Bulletin. 1922

34. Альошина О. Участь Арсена Річинського у pyci за українізацію Православно!' церкви // Історія України. 2010. N 3. P. 30.

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A "Congress of Orthodox Lay Ukrainians on Church Affairs" was organized by the Ukrainian government, which put forward several demands to the Synod:

1. resume "fundamentals of conciliarity" 35;

2. allow the Ukrainian population to use the Ukrainian language in worship services;

3. to revive "ancient Ukrainian church customs and rites that were abolished by the Russian ecclesiastical and tsarist authorities", as well as to Ukrainize internal church records management;

4. appoint Ukrainian bishops to the three episcopal sees located in the territory with a Ukrainian population;

5. Reorganize " ecclesiastical Consistories and county deaneries, which are still hotbeds of Russification."

The Lutsk Congress elected the Ukrainian Church Committee (UCC), whose chairman was A. Richinsky, and his deputy - Ivan Vlasovsky. The Committee organized similar people's congresses on church issues in other counties and cities. The publication of the committee's printed organ, the Ridna Tserkva magazine, was launched (only two issues were published).36.

In response to the Lutsk Church Congress, in June of the same year, the Volyn Diocesan Assembly was held in Pochaev, which was attended by Metropolitan Dionysius, as well as representatives of the Russian People's Association organization. The assembly condemned the Lutsk Laity Congress and decided to stop the Ukrainization of church rites. It was also suggested that the Polish Government should request that the training of young clergy at the Kremenets Seminary be conducted exclusively in Russian.37 Conservative clergy disapproved of the demands

35. The " Foundations of Conciliarity "(or so-called "conciliarity") presupposed the participation of white clergy and laity, along with bishops, in resolving church issues.

36. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 69 - 72; Кралюк П. Аристократ духу. Арсен Річинський як мислитель і громадський діяч. 10.01.2008 г. [http://www.simya.com.ua/articles/45/8lo6, доступ от 12.03.2014].

37. Альошина О. Участь Арсена Річинського у русі за українізацію Православної церкви. С. 30; Біланич І. Еволюція Української Православної Церкви в 1917 - 1942 роках: автономія чи автокефалія. Львів: Астролябія, 2004. С. 161.

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"The main danger from the Ukrainian Congress and its consequences lies not in the Ukrainization of the church alone, but in the desire, together with the Ukrainization, to introduce into church life the necessity of 'conciliarity', which is alien to the church".38. In order to suspend the "revolutionary" activities of the UCC, in April 1929 the Synod of the Orthodox Church in Poland excommunicated A. Richinsky (a year later the church's prohibitions against him were lifted).39.

According to the Ukrainian historian I. Bilanich, at that time a schism was brewing in the Polish Orthodox Church between supporters of Ukrainization and conservative Muscovites, but it did not come to this due to external circumstances. The processes of expropriation of Orthodox churches, organized by the Polish Catholic Episcopate, brought together and united both sides in common actions to protect Orthodox churches. This was evidenced by the meeting of the Executive Committee of the Lutsk Congress held on July 1, 1928, under the chairmanship of Metropolitan Dionysius, which resulted in a message being sent to the Orthodox clergy informing them that there were no dogmatic or canonical obstacles to performing divine services in any language other than Church Slavonic. Also at the meeting, the Metropolitan of Warsaw promised to appoint a bishop of Ukrainian nationality for the Ukrainian faithful.40 However, as I. Bilanich notes, at first the cause of Ukrainization did not go further than promises, since the metropolitan always found an opportunity to appoint conservative candidates to leading positions in the Polish Orthodox Church.

Nevertheless, in the late 1920s, the Vladimir-Volyn, Kovel, Rivne, Goshchansky, Mezhiritsky and Koretsky gminas (the smallest administrative unit in Poland, equivalent to a "parish") saw an increase in supporters of the Ukrainization of the church. Polish officials believed that the main reason for the spread of Ukrainophile ideas among the faithful and clergy was the agitation of the Prosviti branches. In particular, from-

38. Кукурудза А. Демократизація Православя в 20-х р. XX ст. Рівне, 2008. С. 165.

39. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 69 - 73; Кралюк П. Аристократ духу. Арсен Річинський як мислитель і громадський діяч. 10.01.2008 г.

40. Біланич І. Еволюція Української Православної Церкви в 1917 - 1942 роках: автономія чи автокефалія. С. 162 - 163.

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It was estimated that the initiative group issued 10,000 leaflets for this purpose, which criticized the pro-Russian clergy and promoted the need for Ukrainization of the church.41 At the same time, natives of Galicia played a leading role in Ukrainian social activities in Volhynia. They headed most of the Ukrainian cultural and educational organizations, published the Ukrainian press, etc., and among the local population enjoyed the authority of "dobrich ukraintsiv"42.

Since the beginning of the 1930s, the Polish authorities, trying to protect the Volyn population from the influence of radical Ukrainian nationalism of the Galicians, have banned the activities of Galician politicians in Volyn, both privately and through socio-political organizations. Вместо филиалов "Просвіти" и "Українской парламентарной репрезентації", которые подлежали закрытию, на Волыни были организованы альтернативные волынские объединения проправительственного толка: "Волинське українське об'єднання" (ВОУ) и "Українська парламентарна репрезентація Волині" (УПРВ; другое название - "Безпартійний блок співпраці з урядом", ББСУ). These organizations were formed mainly from immigrants from the former Ukrainian People's Republic and Poles who came from the Naddneprovie. In their ranks, among the most active, was the famous Stefan Skrypnik43. Representatives of HEU and BBSU entered the Sejm and Senate 44.

41. GARO. f. 33, Op. 4, D-25? l. 9,14; Kukurudza A. Democratizatsiya Pravoslaviya v 20-kh R. XX st. p. 164.

42. TSGIAL, F. 358, Op. 3, D-70 l. 5 vol. Project for the reunification of the Orthodox in Poland with the Catholic Church, compiled by Archpriest P. Tabinsky from Kremenets. 28.07. 1931

43. Stefan Skrypnik-nephew of S. Petliura and his adjutant. In the 1930s, he was a member of the Polish Sejm, Vice-president of the Synod of Bishops in the General Government (during the occupation of Poland by Nazi Germany in 1939_1941). From July 26, 1941, he was a representative of the Reich Ministry of the occupied Eastern Territories under Army Group South and a trustee for the organization of civil administration in occupied Ukraine. In the autumn of 1941 - Deputy head of the Volyn Church Council. On May 14, 1942, he was consecrated Bishop of the Pereyaslavsky ZAPTS with the name Mstislav. In 1944, he was evacuated to Warsaw, and then to Breslau. From October 12, 1947, he was Archbishop of Philadelphia, head of the Ukrainian (autocephalous) Church abroad. Since 1990 - "Patriarch" of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church. He died on October 11, 1993 in the United States.

44. Сивіцкий Н. Історія полько-українських конфліктів. С. 185; Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 76 - 77.

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The mentioned political organizations also put the issue of church Ukrainization at the forefront of their programs. I. Vlasovsky assessed the role of the UPRV in the following way:

In the history of the Ukrainian national Church movement in the Orthodox Church of Poland, the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation of Volhynia has undoubtedly played the greatest role, and the greatest achievements that this movement achieved during the Polish era are due to the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation of Volhynia... The main subject here is the support of the Ukrainian church movement by the Polish government, in cooperation with which, and not in opposition to it, the Ukrainian ambassadors and senators of Volhynia from the Non-Partisan Bloc consisted... Without this support, the church movement for Ukrainization would not have achieved significant success45.

In general, the question of the attitude of the Polish authorities to the Ukrainian movement and its results in the interwar period is very interesting. During the twenty-year period, the Polish state leadership pursued the goal of assimilating the non-Polish population and especially the most numerous Ukrainian minority. In the early 1920s, the authorities first tried to detach the Ukrainian population from the influence of the Russian Church, for which they initiated the process of separating the Polish Orthodox Church from the Moscow Patriarchate and acquiring the status of autocephaly. They also tried to polonize church life, and later finally consolidate polonization through the Catholicization of the Orthodox population. There was a widespread belief in Poland that Catholicism was an integral part of Polishness, and therefore the Polish authorities put a lot of effort into converting Orthodox people to the Catholic faith. At the same time, they resorted to various methods, most often of a forced nature: from restricting Orthodox people's civil rights to closing Orthodox churches and individual cases of violence against those who oppose conversion to Catholicism.

The situation of the Orthodox population in Volhynia improved somewhat from the end of 1928, when Henryk Yuzevsky became the Volhynian voivode. He was also a proponent of assimilation,

45. Власовській І. Нарис історії Української Православної Церкви. С. 77.

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but not "national", but "state", which implies the education in Ukrainians of a loyal attitude to the state and the consciousness of belonging to it. Only then, according to the logic of the voivode, should there have been a gradual national assimilation of Ukrainians. For "state assimilation", Yuzevsky tried to act in the national and cultural interests of Ukrainians and, in particular, supported the Ukrainian movement in church life. 46 It is obvious that some softening of the positions of the church authorities regarding the Ukrainization processes since 1928 was associated with a change in the state course.

Activists of the Ukrainization movement did not miss the opportunity to take advantage of the changing political situation in Volhynia. In 1931, the Ukrainian parliamentary Representation of Volhynia, which enjoys the patronage of the Polish authorities, created a special organization-the Mitr Society. Peter the Grave", which carried out Ukrainization in the Orthodox Church in Poland. Interestingly, the latter's education was blessed by both Metropolitan Dionysius of Warsaw (Valedinsky) and Bishop Alexy of Lutsk (Gromadsky). It is obvious that the position of the Orthodox hierarchy regarding Ukrainization organizations did not change without the influence of the Polish authorities, since in fact the demands put forward by this organization did not differ from the slogans of the organizations that preceded it (before 1928), which did not enjoy the support of the Polish government. So, in the official press organ of the society "For Sobornist" (editor and. Vlasov) promoted "church reform", which was not limited to the topic of de-russification of the Orthodox Church, but raised the question of the need for changes in the sphere of church administration in the spirit of local traditions of church life. In particular, it was proposed to introduce the election of parish clergy, as well as to include laity in church administration at the same level as bishops (in this case, obviously, they were referring to the experience of the Orthodox brotherhoods of southwestern Russia, which had the blessing of the Eastern patriarchs). To carry out these reforms, it was supposed to convene a Local Council, the preparation for which was taken over by the state.

46. Lipsky Ya. Y. Dva rodiny - dva patriotizma [Two motherland-two patriotism]. Notes on the National megalomania and xenophobia of the Poles (translated from Polish by V. Britaniszky) [http:// www.mankurty.com/statti/lipsky%20rus. pdf, accessed from, 11.09.2012].

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Mitr Society Peter the Grave 47. In order to attract the attention of believers to Ukrainization propaganda and pressure on the church authorities (which, however, blessed the activities of the UPRV), representatives of the UPRV (N. Bura, S. Skrypnyk, N. Telezhinsky) conducted openly political actions. It is difficult to describe otherwise the demonstration organized by these persons in the Pochaev Lavra on September 10, 1933 (the day of finding the relics of St. Job of Pochaev) with the involvement of a large group of young people. This holiday usually attracts a huge number of pilgrims, and on this day there were about 20 thousand people in the Pochaev Lavra. This day was also timed to coincide with the celebration of the anniversary of Metropolitan Dionysius - the 10th anniversary of his stay in the metropolitan department and the 20th anniversary of his service in the Volyn department. During the procession, several dozen yellow and blue flags were hoisted over the worshippers, and demonstrators unfurled banners demanding the Ukrainization of the church in Volhynia.48 This is how I. Ogienko, the future Hilarion, Archbishop of the Orthodox Church in the General government (during the German occupation), describes this demonstration:

Before the end of the Service, two young men hung a long Ukrainian yellow-and-blue flag on a high bell tower. As soon as the flag was unfurled, hundreds of other Ukrainian flags and banners went up all over the monastery compound. The inscriptions on the banners were mostly as follows:: "We want the Ukrainian Church!", " We only want the Ukrainian episcopate!", "We want the Ukrainian liturgical language!", "Dionysius, get out to Moscow!", "The Pochaev Lavra must be Ukrainian!" and so on. All the young men with banners stood in two rows along the entire path. All the bishops, all the clergy, all the people have their eyes fixed on the inscriptions and are reading them... Silence, order, piety... But then it was over. The clergy lead the metropolitan and all bishops "with glory" to the bishop's house. Young men with ensigns and banners stood on both sides of the long road. And as soon as Metropolitan Dionysius appeared, thousands of people began shouting: "Dionysius, get out to Moscow!" And then everyone shouted out the slogans that were written on their ensigns. Police

47.Cit. по: Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 81.

48. Ibid. From 94_95.

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guarded the episcopate. The metropolitan lost consciousness, and the clergy carried him in their arms to the bishop's house. And the young people did not stop shouting at all the voices...49.

The action ended with a rally outside the walls of the Lavra, during which the issues of Ukrainization of the church were again raised. Among the speakers were Ambassadors of the Polish Sejm S. Skrypnik, N. Telezhinsky and I. Golovatsky.50
Contemporaries of these events believed that such a speech of Ukrainian nationalists in Pochaev would have been impossible without the connivance of the Volyn voivode. It was also believed that it was not without the latter's assistance that Metropolitan Dionysius, after the Pochaev action in April 1934, appointed Archbishop Alexy (Gromadsky) of Grodno to the Volhynia department, and that the secretary of the Ecclesiastical Consistory was I. Vlasovsky 51. Earlier, in 1932, also under the patronage of the voivode Yuzevsky, Polikarp (Sikorsky), vicar Bishop of the Volyn diocese of Lutsk, was appointed, in the past, head of the office of Simon Petliura, known for his nationalist sentiments.52
Both bishops, taking advantage of their position, began to take measures to Ukrainize church life from within the church. These measures were not as radical as the decisions of the Lutsk Congress of Laity, and concerned only the question of the liturgical language. As a result of the personnel changes made by Archbishop Alexy (Gromadsky), opponents of Ukrainization were eliminated from the diocesan bodies. The next step was the adoption at the Diocesan Assembly in January 1935 of the following resolutions for Volhynia: a) sermons should be delivered in the living Ukrainian language; b) teaching the Law of God in schools should also be conducted in Ukrainian; c) Ukrainization of divine services should be carried out on the basis of previous decisions of the Holy Synod and decrees of the Metropolitan. Dionysius (reduced mainly to the use of Ukrainian pronunciation in the VRE-

49. Огієнко І. Моє життя // Наша культура. 1935. N 7. P. 19.

50. Kralyuk P. The aristocrat of the spirit. Арсен Річинський як мислитель і громадський. 10.01.2008

51. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 97; Николаев К. Восточный обряд. Paris, 1950. p. 245.

52. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 101.

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to perform prayers in the Ukrainian language); d) to conduct missionary activities and catechesis in the native language of the population; e) to use the Ukrainian language in the internal administration of the Ecclesiastical Consistory and in the field. In addition, it was decided to publish the diocesan church bulletin "Tserkva i Narid"in Ukrainian. 53 Archbishop Alexy (Gromadsky) also visited the parishes of his diocese and resolved the confusion that arose among the faithful, giving the parishioners the opportunity to independently decide on the language of worship. Metropolitan Alexy (Gromadsky) wrote to Polikarp (Sikorsky)in 1942 about his participation in the Ukrainization of the Volyn Diocese: "Under the nationalist regime in Poland, I was able to raise national consciousness without any noise or show." 54
Bishop Polikarp (Sikorsky) was particularly passionate about the de-Russification and subsequent Ukrainization of church life in the Diocese of Lutsk. Being a member of the im. Peter Mogila (head of the theological section) and being in close cooperation with HEU and UPRV, the bishop carried out uncompromising Ukrainization activities, often contrary to the orders of his church superiors and the will of the faithful. Such an action was, for example, a pre-planned provocative action in the Rivne Cathedral in June 1934. Bishop Polikarp, with the assistance of Ukrainian public organizations in Rivne, served the liturgy in Ukrainian (a choir was specially organized for this purpose), which ended in a clash with outraged believers. Polikarpus knew that this act could provoke a conflict with the clergy of the cathedral (Archpriest Dmitry Saikovich, etc.) and regular parishioners. The latter, having learned about the upcoming action, appealed to the ruling bishop of the Volyn diocese Alexy (Gromadsky) with a request to prohibit the celebration of the liturgy in Ukrainian in their church. Archbishop Alexy, for his part, exhorted his vicar bishop to abandon his plan and not to disturb the peace among the faithful of Rovno. However, the Bishop of Lutsk did not heed the warnings, and during the divine service

53. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 103.

54. GARO. F. R-281. O. 1. D. 17. L. 42. Open letter of mitr. Alexia ep. Polikarpou, 1942 (translated from Ukrainian by A. Vishivanyuk).

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in the church there was a scuffle between regular parishioners of the cathedral and persons who arrived with Polycarp 55. Especially the parishioners were indignant at S. Skrypnyk, who was considered the main instigator of this action. The nationalist Ukrainian press in Lutsk reported on the" abuse and attempted physical reprisal "of the Polish Sejm Ambassador S. Skrypnik as a manifestation of intolerance on the part of the pro-Moscow clergy of Rivne (Ukrainian nationalists called this group of clergy "rogalschina" - after the previous rector of the Cathedral of Rivne, Archpriest M. Rogalsky)56.The service of memorial services, either by Bishop Polikarpos himself or with his blessing, for Hetman Ivan Mazepa and poet Taras Shevchenko, was also not devoid of a political connotation. 57
In addition, there are reports of Polikarpus ' visits to rural churches, during which he often mistreated priests who continued to deliver sermons in Russian, which they complained about to the ruling bishop of the Volyn diocese.58 At the same time, modern Ukrainian researchers can find many reports about the enthusiasm with which the faithful in some Volhynian villages met Bishop Polikarpus, rejoicing that their bishop addresses them and performs prayers in the Ukrainian language that is close and understandable to them.59
In the end, in 1937, Archbishop Alexy (Gromadsky) officially allowed worship in the Volyn diocese in the Ukrainian language. According to the reports of the diocesan deans, at the end of 1937 the number of churches where the Ukrainian language was used increased significantly. If earlier there were only 20,60 such parishes in the Volyn diocese, now out of 687 churches, Ukrainian was used in one way or another in 415: 124

55. ЦГИАЛ. Ф. 408, Оп. 1, Д. 787. Повідомлення про конфлікт між парафіянами і священоством у соборі в Рівному з питань мови богослужіння. 1934 p.

56. Чи ще довго на Волині буде "рогальщина"? // Українська нива. Луцьк, 1934. N 20. С 3; Рожко В. Новітні мученики Святого Українського православ'я на історичній Волині (XX ст.). С. 199 - 200.

57. Рожко В. Новітні мученики Святого Українського православ'я на історичній Волині (XX ст.). С. 91 - 92.

58. Tsypin V., prot. History of the Russian Church (1917-1997). pp. 236-237

59. Рожко В. Новітні мученики Святого Українського православ'я на історичній Волині. С. 91.

60. Nikolaev K. The Eastern Rite. P. 247.

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In some churches, services were performed exclusively in Ukrainian; in 40-alternately; in 126-only occasionally in Ukrainian; in 99, services were performed in Church Slavonic, but the reading of the Holy Scriptures, prayers "Our Father" and "Creed" - in Ukrainian; in 26-in Church Slavonic with Ukrainian pronunciation 61.

In the late 1930s, the Polish government considered the scale of the Ukrainian national movement in Volhynia dangerous for the integrity of the Polish state, recognizing the main culprit of this Volhynian voivode Yuzevsky. Polish General Januszaitis in March 1937 described the situation in Volhynia as follows:

Previously, there were two centers in Volhynia; one promoted Polishness - this is the Kremenets Lyceum in Volhynia, the other, a Russification center, is the Pochaev Lavra. Today we have two Ukrainization centers-Pochayiv and lyceum, both of which serve the Ukrainization of Volhynia today.62
In this regard, in 1938, G. Yuzevsky was dismissed from the post of head of the Volhynian Voivodeship (the largest administrative unit of Poland, uniting the wards). A campaign was launched to "correct the mistakes" of the voivode with the help of actions of the " Coordination Committee "(CC), the essence of which was reduced to forcibly Catholicizing the Orthodox population of Poland and destroying Orthodox churches. However, the CC's measures only served to increase the Ukrainian population's irritation with the Polish authorities. But a year later, the political and religious situation in Western Ukraine changed dramatically due to the outbreak of World War II, the fall of Poland and the annexation of its Ukrainian regions to the Soviet Union.

The facts show that the initiative to Ukrainize the Orthodox Church in Poland during the interwar period initially belonged to representatives of the small Ukrainian intelligentsia in Volhynia and individual representatives of the Volhynian clergy. After the acquisition of autocephaly by the Polish Orthodox Church in the church Ukrainization movement include-

61. Міненко Т., прот. Православна Церква в Україні під час другої світової війни (1935 - 1945). С. 104.

62.Cit. по: Сивіцкий Н. Історія полько-українських конфліктів. Т. 1. С. 216 - 217.

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There were several Ukrainian political parties whose organizational centers were located in Galicia. The agitation activities of the latter gradually attracted a significant part of the clergy and believers to the side of Ukrainization.

An indirect influence on the development of Ukrainization processes at this time was exerted by the harsh and at the same time inconsistent policy of the Polish authorities aimed at polonization of the Ukrainian population (as the most numerous among the national minorities of Poland). Excessive pressure on Orthodox believers to convert to the Roman Catholic rite and polonizing actions irritated the Ukrainian population, contributing to the radicalization of the Ukrainian nationalist movement. On the other hand, from time to time the authorities supported Ukrainization processes in the Orthodox Church in Poland, as opposed to pro-Russian sentiments, which indirectly strengthened the position of Ukrainization activists. As for the unusual attitude of the Volyn Voivode G. Yuzevsky to the Ukrainian issue in Polish politics, it was not aimed at countering the pro-Russian party, but rather was an attempt by a liberal politician (whose views on the issue of national minorities differed from the general line of the Polish authorities) to endear the Ukrainian population to the Polish state by supporting its cultural and national life. This is evidenced by the fact that the Poles referred to the policy of the State of Poland as the State of Poland. Yuzevsky is no other than the "Volyn experiment". In the sphere of church life, this position of the voivode was expressed in the fact that with his help, supporters of Ukrainization were appointed to the episcopal sees of Volhynia. The latter significantly affected the use of the Ukrainian language in Orthodox worship. Even more important, along with the process of Ukrainization of worship, there was growing sympathy among the episcopate and clergy for the idea of forming an independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church. This is confirmed by the fact that during the short period when the Western Ukrainian region joined the USSR (1939-1941), the most active Ukrainian bishops opposed returning to the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate. During the years of German occupation, some of them (including Bishop Polikarp Sikorsky) took part in the creation of the "Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church" - from the point of view of Ukrainian nationalism, the most important attribute of an independent Ukrainian state.

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Bibliography/References

Archive materials

State Archive of the Rivne region.

F. 33 Rivne City Council.

Central State Historical Archive of Lviv (TSGIAL).

F. 358 Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky.

F. 408 Greek Catholic Metropolitan Ordinariate.

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